Konstantin Sonin, a Professor of Economics at the New Economic School in Moscow, penned an article in the Moscow Times where he compares the economic and political consequences of Moscow’s support of local “tsars:” Cuba’s Fidel Castro and Belarus’ Alexander Lukashenko.

The political life of Cuban leader Fidel Castro goes on and on, thwarting all attempts to draw up a final summary of his reign. Over the course of Castro’s 50 years in power, Cubans’ standard of living has remained practically unchanged — even as living conditions have improved by leaps and bounds in most other countries. Among the many questions I’d like to pose: How was Castro able to maintain control of a small and militarily weak country using the energy of far stronger world powers?

A comprehensive history of Fidel would undoubtedly help us understand the behavior of Belarussian leader Alexander Lukashenko, who has recently taken a series of steps to spite Russia’s current leadership.

It’s a historical fact that Cuba benefited greatly from the friendship and material support of the Soviet Union from the beginning of the 1960s to the late 1980s. But it is worth remembering that Fidel’s rule began with a friendship of an entirely different sort. Having seized power following the overthrow of the Batista regime, the newfound Cuban prime minister set out on a long visit to the United States in an effort to shore up relations there. It didn’t work out, of course. To draw support from the revolutionary poor while simultaneously defending American special interests at the U.S. government’s behest was a balancing act too difficult for even Castro. Understandably fearing that the United States would interfere in the island’s internal power struggles, Fidel threw himself into the arms of its Cold War enemy, the Soviet Union.

The story of the dramatic confrontation that occurred between the two warring superpowers during the Cuban Missile Crisis is a familiar one: Moscow placed nuclear-tipped rockets in Cuba; the Americans responded by threatening to blockade the island and inspect incoming vessels. Moscow withdrew the rockets and, in exchange, Washington agreed to withdraw its bases from Turkey and Italy and guarantee the safety of the Cuban government. Was it a draw? Yes, unless you count the person who won big at someone else’s expense.

It’s unclear what Moscow gained from all those years of supporting socialist Cuba. Fidel got the ability to consolidate and retain power despite shoddy domestic policies and brash foreign policies. (His country, one of the major economic failures of the 20th century, actually served as a source of “ideas” for others.)

The history of Fidel is not just an isolated case. The 20th century knew many other local “tsars” and socialist leaders who built up their own power and took handouts from all sides. For Russia, the lessons can be applied to Lukashenko. Support for an authoritarian, undemocratically elected leader might bring short-term gains, but it eventually turns a big country into a smaller country’s hostage. Attempts by big countries to use economic levers to pressure little Castros lead to lower standards of living and strengthen the authoritarian leaders’ power. If Lukashenko had to answer to voters, or if his power were restricted by an opposition-led parliament, he would have far fewer opportunities to manipulate us through his foreign policy.

In general, we don’t spend enough time studying the United States’ mistakes in Latin America over the past two centuries. We ought to hit the history books.

(Image: The Moscow Times)

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There’s a new book on the Stasi (the secret police of the former East Germany) entitled: The Firm: The Inside Story of the Stasi written by History Professor Gary Bruce of the University of Waterloo and printed by Oxford University Press.

Listen to the author’s interview in a Pajamas Media podcast (MP3).

29 July 2010 at 2219 by Armando F. Mastrapa 3d | Permalink

The Economist‘s Newsbook blog on Fidel Castro’s comeback:

WITH Fidel Castro returning to public life after a four-year absence, Cuba’s state television has the vexed problem of how to refer to him—and whether he or Raúl Castro, his younger brother who succeeded him as president, comes first in seniority.

Until recently, when the ex-president was a near-recluse in his western Havana home, television announcers tended to use the informal title “Comrade Fidel”. The impression given was that of an almost-never-seen, and most definitely retired, grandfather in an upstairs room.

Fidel’s comeback—on Monday he made his seventh public appearance this month—has changed all that. The title “commander-in-chief” has been resurrected. Fidel is dressing the part once again: the Adidas track suit he frequently sported while convalescing has been replaced by an olive-green military shirt, albeit without the “commander” epaulets.

On Monday, Cuba’s official Revolution Day, over an hour of the main nightly news was dedicated to Fidel’s meeting with foreign activists in Havana. His brother, at a major summit with the Venezuelan government, was given less than ten minutes of airtime.

What might the senior Mr Castro increased presence mean for the direction of the country?  Raúl is understood to be keen to give more room to private enterprise within Cuba’s stagnant state-run economy. But Havana-based diplomats say he fears doing anything to upset his brother. There is speculation that on August 1st, when Cuba’s National Assembly holds one of its rare meetings, further reforms may be announced. But before Raúl does anything, he will check with the boss.

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The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) is live webcasting a Military Strategy Forum on Thursday, July 29, at 9:15am. General Douglas M. Fraser, Commander, U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), will provide opening remarks on key issues for SOUTHCOM followed by an expert panel moderated by Ambassador Peter DeShazo, Director of the Americas Program at CSIS.

[H/T: Small Wars Journal]

28 July 2010 at 1718 by Armando F. Mastrapa 3d | Permalink

Political philosopher Raymond Geuss of Cambridge University discusses the place of utopian thinking in political philosophy and its relation to realism via Philosophy Bites podcast.

[H/T: Coming Anarchy]

28 July 2010 at 1701 by Armando F. Mastrapa 3d | Permalink

Deutsche Welle reports of a rebellious Spain hell-bent on pushing for change in the EU’s stance on Cuba:

As holder of the rotating EU Council presidency, Spain tried to massively influence the EU position on Cuba by pushing for increased dialogue and a normalization of relations despite Cuba not yet meeting the benchmarks set out in the Common Position.

“The relationship between the EU and Cuba has always been superficial,” Thiago de Aragao, Latin American senior research associate at the Foreign Policy Center, a London-based European think-tank, told Deutsche Welle.

“The only difference has been the relationship between Cuba and Spain, which due to history has been deeper. Spain has always had closer ties with Cuba. Spain has always been the most active EU state in encouraging talks between the countries in the hope of democratic openings.”

Spain’s argument that a more relaxed EU position would actually help achieve the human rights and democratic reform it sought took a massive blow in February with the tragic death of Cuban dissident Orlando Zapata, who died as a result of a hunger strike while in prison. Spain was forced to condemn Cuba along with the rest of Europe and the international community and reinforce the EU position on standing firm until human rights abuses ended.

[...]

“Germany holds strong to the Common Position and has been quite critical to the Spanish efforts to change it,” Professor Guenther Maihold, the deputy director of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, told Deutsche Welle.

[...]

“While Spain seems to see in the release of the prisoners a moment of change in the Cuban regime, many observers see heavy economic problems as a future trigger to some opening of the economic system of the island,” Professor Maihold said. “After the release of prisoners we have always seen the arrest of new people and no change in the general politics of the regime.”

It seems likely that the debate over the EU’s Cuba policy will continue once the bloc’s political summer break is over. Many in the EU see the release of the political prisoners by Cuba as a step toward Havana meeting the criteria Europe has set for the normalization of relations but not as a justification for increased dialogue or ties.

(Image: Spain’s push for a policy change is led by its foreign minister Miguel Ángel Moratinos. AP.)

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The Committee on Economic Affairs of the Cuban National Assembly of People’s Power (Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, ANPP) began today studying different issues related to the situation on the island, specifically, the precarious economic performance, which has increased demands for fundamental change by the populace.

Ministers and other leaders also notified members of the Committee on the implementation of the state budget in the first half of 2010, low labor productivity and import substitution. [El Financiero]

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