By Jerry Brewer via Mexidata.info

Totalitarian dictatorships still exist and, as a matter of fact, they are very much alive in Latin America. Democracies throughout the Americas must immediately address their governments’ counterintelligence missions, and their strategic long and short range vision to monitor aggression and other forms of insurgency within their homelands.

Cuba’s intelligence and spy apparatus has been described as a “contingency of very well-trained, organized and financed agents.” Too, President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela has adopted the previous Soviet-styled Cuban intelligence service (DGI) as his model for Venezuela’s security service, known as the DISIP, utilizing Cuban intelligence counterparts and advisors.

What is the history of Cuba’s communist trained spies?

Cuba has trained thousands of communist guerrillas and terrorists, and has sponsored violent acts of aggression and subversion in most democratic nations of the southwestern hemisphere. U.S. government studies within the intelligence community documented a total of 3,043 international terrorist incidents in the decade of 1968 to 1978. Within that study, “over 25 percent occurred in Latin America.”

Recent reports are that Cuba has been expanding intelligence operations in the Middle East and South Asia. This reported by the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency.

Cuba has consistently maintained a well-organized and “ruthless” intelligence presence within Mexico, as have the Russians. Much of their activity involved in U.S. interests that include recruiting disloyal U.S. military, government, and “private sector specialists. [Read more →]

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Charles Tannock, a British Conservative foreign affairs spokesman in the European Parliament, has written the following article published in the Tiapei Times about a new troika comprised of the presidents from Brazil, Colombia and Mexico and their quest for regional stability.

The rescue of Ingrid Betancourt and 14 other hostages who had been held for years by Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas marks more than a turning point in Colombia’s long war against its drug-running, Marxist guerrillas. It also confirms the emergence of a new troika of Latin American leaders — Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Mexican President Felipe Calderon — who are set on finishing off Latin America’s destabilizing drug cartels and guerrilla movements, as well as isolating the region’s demagogic upstart, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.

Uribe’s status as one of Latin America’s historic leaders was assured even before the rescue of Betancourt and the other hostages. Uribe won an unprecedented re-election two years ago with an absolute majority in the first round of the vote. But it is Uribe’s resolve not to negotiate with the FARC over kidnappings, and instead to pursue relentlessly the armed insurgency that murdered his father. In the process, he transformed a country that was in the grip of drug barons and on the verge of becoming a failed state.

The professionalism of Colombia’s armed forces, coupled with Uribe’s popularity and a growing economy, has delivered, for the first time in three decades, normality to Colombia’s cities and, increasingly, peace and the rule of law to much of its vast jungle regions. Uribe’s relentlessness has brought on waves of defections from the FARC, which is now down to 9,000 guerrillas from a peak of 16,000 in 2001. Indeed, many FARC defectors now prefer to fight for their cause at the ballot box under the new left-wing Polo Alternativo Democratico.

But the benefits of Uribe’s apparent defeat of the FARC extend far beyond Colombia. The hostage rescue has also forced Chavez, still recovering from his failed power-grab referendum of last year, onto the defensive. The Uribe-Lula-Calderon axis appears set on keeping him there.

[Read more →]

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Last week, STRATFOR published an analysis on the reaction by Fidel Castro to the release of the hostages in Colombia and his criticism of the FARC.

STRATFOR opined: “Cuba serves as a significant transshipment point for drugs headed north from South America”. See Organized Crime in Cuba.

Summary

Former Cuban President Fidel Castro released a statement July 5 in which he praised the freedom of recently released captives of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and called for the release of all remaining hostages. Castro’s comment illustrates that Cuba could be considering its neighbors’ opinions more than it did before.

Analysis

Former Cuban President Fidel Castro released a statement July 5 that applauded the freedom of recently released captives of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and called for the release of all remaining hostages while criticizing the United States’ involvement and supporting the FARC’s further struggle against the Colombian government. The statement is a signal that Cuba is on board with some of the most common and basic elements of Latin American politics and will allow the island nation to approach potential partners and point to Cuba’s history of cooperation on a politically essential issue.

The rescue operation that freed 15 high-profile FARC hostages July 2 has been the top news story across Latin America since it broke, with everyone from the French to the Israelis claiming some kind of connection to the endeavor. Chilean President Michelle Bachelet has even pushed to get former hostage and Colombian politician Ingrid Betancourt nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. It is thus no surprise that Castro chose to take the opportunity to speak out on the issue. However, the tenor of his remarks and the vehemence with which he called for the release of all remaining hostages could signal that Cuba is adjusting its political stance with much more care for the opinions of its neighbors than it previously held.

Castro outlined some of Cuba’s history of supporting the FARC and carefully drew a distinction between the FARC’s leftist revolutionary stance and the violence that has characterized Colombia for decades, saying that it was drug traffickers, not the FARC, that unleashed violence in Colombia. Castro also carefully crafted a distinction between the Cuban revolution and communist ideals and the FARC, saying, “The Colombian Communist Party never contemplated the idea of conquering power through the armed struggle. The guerrilla was a resistance front and not the basic instrument to conquer revolutionary power, as it had been the case in Cuba.” However, Castro did not fully abandon support for what is left of the FARC’s leftist revolutionary roots, saying that while he “honestly and strongly criticized the objectively cruel methods of kidnapping and retaining prisoners under the conditions of the jungle,” he is not asking anyone to disarm.

Although Castro has spoken against FARC drug smuggling activities, it must be remembered that Cuba serves as a significant transshipment point for drugs headed north from South America, with significant help from the government. Just as Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez’s government has chosen to support the FARC with a safe haven, political championing and the facilitation of criminal activities, so too has Cuba participated in FARC activities. Both have now spoken against holding hostages and have urged the FARC to release the hostages without any hope of political gain — largely due to rising political pressure and the FARC’s growing weakness.

For Cuba, taking the side of the hostages is an important move as the country seeks to normalize its position with the world following the dissolution of the Cuban economy once it lost Soviet patronage. Cuba’s slow process of reform will require the government to abandon many of the old stances and friends that it once needed in order to promote the expansion of leftist values throughout Latin America.

Cuba has made strides toward careful liberalization policies in its approach to domestic issues, and recently managed to score a victory when the European Union decided to permanently lift the light sanctions it maintained since 2003. Shedding outright support of unpopular FARC activities could allow Cuba to engage other countries in the region more readily — it will most certainly help if Cuba ever needs help from Colombia.

However, it is domestic reform that will determine the future of Cuba’s relations with major potential investors and partners. This will entail basic human rights reforms, essentially forcing the Castros to cede power to the individual over the power of the Revolution. It will also mean allowing “imperialist” capital to infiltrate the Cuban economy in the form of much-needed investments and renovations. Without this kind of substantial support from major foreign powers — such as Brazil and the European Union — Cuba will never be able to make serious strides in rebuilding its shattered economy.
[Read more →]

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